Putin & To Lam's Media Statements & Putin's Presser for Russian Press Corp

Presidents Putin and To Lam addressed the assembled media and delegations:

To Lam: Dear President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, Dear guests, Correspondents and journalists!

On behalf of the party, the State and the people of Vietnam, I cordially welcome Comrade President Vladimir Putin together with the high-ranking delegation of the Russian Federation to Vietnam.

We are very pleased to see your state visit to Vietnam at the invitation of General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam Nguyen Phu Trong. The visit is very important, especially in the context of the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty on the Foundations of Friendly Relations between Vietnam and the Russian Federation. We are actively preparing to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations next year.

Our two countries are linked by traditional friendship and comprehensive strategic partnership. We are always very grateful for the great help and support that the Russian people have given us in our struggle for independence in the past, as well as at the current stage of the country's development.

Vietnam pursues an independent, self-reliant, peaceful, friendly, multi-vector and multilateral foreign policy. Vietnam always considers Russia as one of the priority partners of our foreign policy. Together with Russia, we want to develop relations of traditional friendship that have been built by many generations of leaders and residents of our two countries.

Together with President Vladimir Putin, we had very successful negotiations. In a frank and sincere manner, we exchanged views on many areas of cooperation, as well as on international and regional issues of mutual interest – for the development of our two countries, for the sake of peace, cooperation and development in the region. In this spirit, we agreed on the main guidelines and principles for further strengthening the comprehensive strategic partnership between Vietnam and the Russian Federation.

The parties also agreed to strengthen cooperation in accordance with the principles of equality, mutual respect, and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. In accordance with the basic principles of the UN Charter, we will not enter into alliances or conclude treaties with third countries in order to damage each other's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. We will also not oppose third parties. We will always contribute to peace and cooperation in the region and in the world.

As for political relations, we have agreed to increase regular contacts and strengthen political trust. We will increase contacts between parties, states, governments, parliaments, as well as between ministries, departments and youth of the two countries.

Economic cooperation is one of the most important pillars of a comprehensive strategic partnership. We agreed to use the maximum potential of the Vietnam-Eurasec Free Trade Area Agreement.

We also agreed that we will work together to find solutions to the difficulties caused by the international situation. We will increase trade and bilateral investment. We will also improve the efficiency of cooperation projects in the energy and gas sectors in order to create favorable conditions for our companies to work with each other in accordance with international law and the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

We also agreed to explore the possibility of increasing cooperation in the field of new energy sources, clean energy, in order to promote green transformation and sustainable development. We will also step-up cooperation in the field of defense and security, and together we will fight new and traditional challenges to the world in accordance with international law.

We agreed to step up cooperation in education, science, technology, innovation, and professional training. We will also step up cooperation in the fields of culture, art, tourism, promote contacts between the two countries ' residents and young people in order to further strengthen our mutual understanding and friendship. We also agreed to create favorable conditions for Vietnamese citizens in Russia and Russian citizens in Vietnam, so that they can work and live stably, and become a real bridge of friendship between our two countries.

On international and regional issues, we support a democratic and transparent world order based on the UN Charter, including principles such as the non-use of force or threat of force, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. We also support the creation of an inclusive and open trading system based on the WTO. We also advocate an equal and indivisible security architecture for cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region with the central role of ASEAN, which is based on international law. We will promote international integration, including within the framework of APEC, the G20, the ASEAN Dialogue, and the Eurasian Economic Community. We also welcome cooperation between Russia and the Mekong sub-regions, thus contributing to peace, stability and prosperity.

As for the Eastern Sea (SCS), we stand for ensuring freedom and safety of navigation and air navigation, for resolving all disputes peacefully, and oppose the use of force or the threat of use of force. We support the implementation of the declaration on the conduct of the parties and the early adoption of the code of conduct of the parties in a substantive and effective manner in accordance with international law.

Dear Comrade President Vladimir Putin, Dear journalists,

Today we will adopt a Joint Statement on further deepening the comprehensive strategic partnership between the ministries and departments of our countries. We have also signed many agreements on cooperation in education, science, justice, and sports. This contributes to the improvement of our legal framework for developing practical and fruitful cooperation.

I am confident that given the success of President Putin's visit to Vietnam, as well as the commitment of our leaders and the efforts of our peoples, ministries and departments, our relations will continue to develop.

Next, I give the floor to President Putin.

Vladimir Putin: Dear Comrade To Lam, Dear friends, ladies and gentlemen,

First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam, Comrade Nguyen Phu Trong, to you, Comrade To Lam, as well as to the Prime Minister of the Government of Vietnam, Comrade Pham Minh Tin, and all our Vietnamese friends for organizing our state visit, for the hospitality and warm welcome. When I say "warm", I mean not only the temperature outside, but also the cordiality with which, as we can see, our delegation is greeted by the residents of Hanoi on the streets. I would like to take this opportunity to convey to them my most sincere greetings and best wishes for their well-being.

I would like to emphasize that Russia attaches great importance to further strengthening the traditionally friendly Russian-Vietnamese comprehensive strategic relations and strategic partnership, and these relations continue to develop steadily in the spirit of equality, mutual respect and consideration of each other's interests.

Our countries share pages of common history. Next year will mark the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations. At one time, the Soviet Union, as you know, did a lot to help the young Vietnamese state survive, helped create economic facilities, infrastructure, training personnel, and improve the state's defense capability.

In addition, just a few days ago it was 30 years since the signing of the Treaty on the Foundations of Friendly Relations between the two countries. This basic document opened up wide opportunities for strengthening and developing a new level of the entire complex of our relations, gave them a powerful impetus and growing dynamics. And today, Comrade President and I have adopted a statement that supports the principles of the Russian-Vietnamese comprehensive strategic partnership and announces new guidelines for our joint work in the future.

The negotiations that have just concluded–-indeed, I agree with this—were held in a constructive and businesslike atmosphere. Key areas of bilateral cooperation were discussed in detail, as well as the most pressing international and regional issues.

Considerable attention was naturally paid to trade and investment cooperation. According to the results of last year, the trade turnover increased by eight percent, and this year the growth continued: in the first quarter – by more than a third compared to the same period in 2023.

In this context, I would like to mention the tangible benefits that the implementation of the Free Trade Agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union brings to our friends. Since its entry into force in 2016, it has significantly contributed to the expansion of Russian-Vietnamese trade through preferential access conditions for goods and services to each other's markets, as well as increased investment, technology exchange and innovation.

No less important is the fact that our countries are consistently switching to national currencies in financial mutual settlements, and are striving to build stable channels of credit and banking cooperation. Last year, the share of transactions in Russian rubles and Vietnamese dong provided more than 40 percent of the volume of bilateral commercial transactions, and in the first quarter of this year – almost 60 percent.

A key role in servicing foreign trade operations between our countries is played by a joint Vietnamese-Russian bank, which has been successfully operating in the Vietnamese market for almost 20 years. The Bank maintains positive dynamics of key indicators, consistently providing a wide range of financial and credit services to Vietnamese and Russian clients.

Energy is a strategic area of bilateral cooperation. The Vietsovpetro Joint Venture has produced about 250 million tons of oil over the decades of developing Vietnam's oil and gas fields. In turn, Petrovietnam Corporation, which has been implementing projects in the Nenets Autonomous District in Russia since 2008, has already extracted about 35 million tons of oil in the difficult conditions of the Far North.

There is a Russian-Vietnamese enterprise for the production of gas-engine fuel in Vietnam. In addition, Russian companies are ready to join large-scale projects using liquefied natural gas as co-investors and suppliers.

There are good prospects for cooperation in renewable energy. In particular, the master plan for the development of the national energy system of Vietnam already includes a joint Russian-Vietnamese project for the construction of an offshore wind power plant in Binh Thuan Province with a capacity of 1,000 megawatts.

I would like to note that Russian specialists have helped design and build power hubs in Vietnam with a total capacity of more than a third of the country's current hydroelectric power generation, and our company Rushydro intends to take part in the reconstruction and increase of hydroelectric power stations on Vietnamese rivers.

Another promising area for expanding bilateral cooperation is the peaceful atom. The agenda includes the construction of a nuclear science and technology center in Vietnam by Rosatom, as well as training of Vietnamese nuclear specialists in Russian specialized universities.

Industrial cooperation is being promoted. In Da Nang, the Russian-Vietnamese company GAZ-Thanh Dat is assembling cargo and passenger minibuses of the Gazelle brand. Last year, 1,150 pieces of equipment were assembled at this site-buses and vans, some of which were delivered to other countries, Laos and the Philippines.

Cooperation on a large – scale infrastructure project – the Vladivostok-Ho Chi Minh City maritime transport corridor-looks promising. In 2022, a regular cargo line was opened, along which container ships run on a weekly basis.

Bilateral partnership in agriculture is developing, while mutual supplies of agricultural products are growing, and their nomenclature is expanding. The Vietnamese holding T. H. Group is building milk processing plants in several Russian regions at once, including the Kaluga Region and Primorsky Krai. So, last year, the first stage of a livestock complex in the Moscow region for six thousand heads of dairy cattle was completed.

Russian-Vietnamese cooperation in the cultural and humanitarian sphere is truly vibrant and dynamic. Over the past decades, tens of thousands of Vietnamese specialists in various fields have been trained and improved their skills in our country. Several thousand have received academic degrees.

Currently, more than three thousand students and postgraduates from Vietnam study at Russian universities. Speaking of academic exchanges, I cannot fail to mention the long-term effective work of the bilateral Tropical Research and Technology Center in Vietnam, where Russian and Vietnamese specialists conduct joint research, including in such important areas as ecology and nature protection, medicine, and the fight against infectious diseases and epidemics.

It has become a good tradition to hold mutual days of culture on a regular basis, which actually help Russians and Vietnamese people to learn more about each other's history, customs, and everyday life. The next such days of Vietnamese culture in Russia will take place very soon – from July 1 to July 7, they will be held in Moscow and St. Petersburg. National film weeks, exhibitions of paintings, photographs, and performances by creative groups are also very popular in Russia and Vietnam.

Tourist exchanges are developing. Russians are happy to visit Vietnamese resorts, which is significantly facilitated by the presence of direct flights between our two countries. I would like to point out that last year flights to Vietnam from Irkutsk started, and this year regular flights on the Moscow – Ho Chi Minh City route started.

Naturally, we also considered a number of issues on the regional agenda. Current international topics were also discussed. I would like to emphasize that the positions of Russia and Vietnam on these issues largely coincide or are close. Our countries firmly uphold the principles of the rule of international law, sovereignty, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, and coordinate efforts at key multilateral platforms, including the UN, as well as in the framework of the Russia-ASEAN dialogue and at East Asian summits.

During the discussion of the situation in the Asia-Pacific region, mutual interest was expressed in building a reliable and adequate security architecture in the Asia-Pacific region based on the principles of non-use of force and peaceful settlement of disputes, in which there will be no place for closed military-political blocs.

In conclusion, I would like to once again thank Comrade President and all our Vietnamese friends for their hospitality and meaningful talks. This visit will undoubtedly contribute to the further development of the Russian-Vietnamese partnership, and in all areas, in all directions.

Thank you for your attention. [My Emphasis]

Putin then held a presser for the Russian Press Corp:

Pyotr Minakov: The Russian Federation and the DPRK have signed a comprehensive Strategic Partnership agreement, which also provides for military-technical and defense cooperation. The last point in the defense sphere provides for mutual assistance of the States parties to this treaty in the event of an attack by a third party.

I have a question in this regard, but it will consist of sub-questions, consisting of several parts. First – when does this part of the agreement come into force? Second of all, does this concern the situation in Ukraine? And do you allow the possibility of involving volunteers and soldiers from the DPRK in the SVO?

And in the development of the military-technical sphere, the third question. Russia and North Korea are among them… They are the only ones with so many sanctions imposed on them. Does Moscow intend to abandon all restrictions, including those imposed through international sanctions, and develop cooperation with the DPRK in the military-technical sphere to the full?

Vladimir Putin: You have a whole set of questions, so let's go in parts. First – under what conditions will those parts of the treaty concerning mutual assistance in the military sphere be used, right?

The first thing I want to say and draw your attention to is that for some reason the analysts... well, maybe they did [pay attention] – I didn't notice, anyway, and to be honest, I didn't have time to look. But nevertheless, I want to draw your attention to this: after all, this agreement is not a novelty of any kind. We entered into this agreement because the old agreement ceased to exist, and in our previous agreement – in my opinion, in 1962, or something-everything was the same. There is no novelty here.

Of course, this is particularly acute in modern conditions, but nevertheless we have not changed much, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has similar agreements with other countries. First.

Further, regarding the reasons for providing mutual military assistance, it also says: in case of aggression, military aggression.

Now, as for Ukraine. The Ukrainian regime did not start aggression against Russia, it started aggression against the Luhansk and Donetsk People's Republics recognized by us before they became part of the Russian Federation.

Now, about how to use each other's capabilities in this conflict. We don't ask anyone for this, no one has offered it to us, so there is no need.

What else was there?

Pavel Minakov: Regarding the sanctions.

Vladimir Putin: As for the sanctions, I have already said, and I think I said at a meeting with your colleagues-–the heads of world news agencies--that some of the sanctions that were imposed against North Korea, to put it mildly, look very strange.

As you know, I come from Leningrad. Everyone knows very well what Leningrad experienced during the Second World War and the Great Patriotic War. This is a blockade, when people were starved to death. There are losses, as you know, in my family on this occasion: my brother died almost from starvation during the blockade, fell ill and died.

What's going on with North Korea right now? You can treat the regime as you like, but to introduce, say, restrictions related to labor migration, it somehow looks strange. What does this lead to? It leads to the fact that families, even if they are in a very difficult financial situation, do not have the opportunity to earn somewhere and feed their children. Does that remind you of anything? Is this humane?

Therefore, the sanctions that are imposed, first of all, of course, in this case for political reasons, they must still correspond to the current level of human development.

That is why I said, speaking in Pyongyang, and I said it sincerely, that we all need to think together about how and what needs to be changed in this sanctions regime and whether it generally meets the requirements of today.

To.Kokoveshnikov: In continuation of the topic of Ukraine.

Vladimir Putin: Yes, please.

To.Kokoveshnikov: Good afternoon!

Zvezda TV channel, Konstantin Kokoveshnikov.

Tell me, please, how would you comment on the reaction of Western countries, or rather, in fact, the rejection of the conditions proposed by you for a peaceful end to the conflict in Ukraine? After all, you could hardly not expect such a reaction.

And what was behind your decision to publicly name the conditions for a peaceful end to the conflict, which were supposed to be the subject of behind-the-scenes negotiations? Or have the hopes for them now finally failed to materialize?

Vladimir Putin: As you know, we have held these backstage talks, and our hopes for this have not yet been fulfilled.

As for the reaction of our so-called Western partners – you said that I probably didn't expect it—no, on the contrary, I expected just such a reaction at the first stage. But what will happen later, this time will tell.

Everything will depend on how the situation on earth changes. I think that some sensible politicians will still think about whether the proposals I have made are realistic, objective and in line with the interests of all the contracting parties and the whole of Europe, including if it really wants to end the conflict in the center of Europe. Well, we'll see about that. I am not sure that this attitude to the proposals we have made will continue forever. We can already hear the voices of some politicians who say that yes, maybe this is an ultimatum, yes, excessive demands, but you can't refuse, you need to think and figure it out.

Isn't what our partners have outlined an ultimatum? Some formulas were invented, although there is a result of our negotiations in Minsk and Istanbul. Why doesn't anyone remember this? I have already said this a hundred times in the same place, if we agreed at that time and there is a signature of the head of the negotiation group on the part of Ukraine that the agreements reached in Istanbul were in principle acceptable to the Ukrainian side. What has happened on the ground, on the battlefield, that allows us to put forward some additional conditions that are not related to our agreements in Istanbul? There is nothing like this that could somehow change the position of another negotiating country, in this case Ukraine.

Therefore, I do not think that such nihilism in relation to our proposals will remain forever. For sure, something will change, including our conditions, depending on the situation on earth.

Pavel Zarubin: Pavel Zarubin, Rossiya TV channel.

How long can these conditions continue to apply? After all, at that very conference in Switzerland, numerous signals and statements were made that Russia should be present at the next conference, if it takes place. It is clear that there are a lot of nuances, but nevertheless Russia would respond?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: Yes. I told you, we didn't abandon the negotiations. The Ukrainian side has forbidden itself to negotiate. Not us. We're all for it, and we've never given up on it. But not on the basis of any ephemeral forms, but on the basis of the agreements–-I want to repeat this again--that were reached during difficult negotiations, almost a month and a half of negotiations in Istanbul and Minsk. It is on this basis that we are ready to continue our dialogue with the Ukrainian side. It doesn't matter where they take place – in Minsk, Istanbul or Switzerland.

P. Zarubin: How long will these conditions remain in effect?

Vladimir Putin: We have these proposals on our side, on the table—please. It is no longer up to us when all the actors interested in these negotiations take what is on their table and start these negotiations. Even tomorrow. But when they deign to do it, it's up to them. But, I repeat, everything will depend on what happens in real life. And then, of course, we will proceed from this. But the basic approach will be this.

Elena Lazareva: Mr President, hello!

Ekaterina Lazareva, URA.RU.

I have a question about nuclear weapons. You recently said that you allowed the possibility of making changes to our nuclear doctrine. I would like to understand under what circumstances this is possible, and what conditions should be created for this? Do you think that our nuclear doctrine will include a clause on the possibility of a pre-emptive nuclear strike?

Vladimir Putin: You know, I think I said that we are still thinking about what and how this nuclear doctrine and strategy could be changed. And it is connected with this. This is due to the fact that new elements are emerging–-at least, we know that the likely enemy is working on this–-related to lowering the threshold for the use of nuclear weapons. In particular, ultra-low-power explosive nuclear devices are being developed, and we know that in expert circles in the West there are ideas that such weapons could be used, and there is nothing particularly terrible about this. It may not be terrible, but we must pay attention to this. And we pay attention to this.

Related to this is my statement that we are thinking about possible changes in our strategies.

Elena Lazareva: And a pre-emptive strike?

Vladimir Putin: We don't need a pre-emptive strike yet, because in a counter-strike, the enemy will be guaranteed to be destroyed.

To.Panyushkin: Konstantin Panyushkin, Channel One.

You have just said that there are no proposals from the DPRK and there is also no request from you for soldiers, but at the same time, if we understand correctly, article four of the treaty actually implies collective defense.

Vladimir Putin: In case of aggression.

To.Panyushkin: In case of aggression, yes. In those conditions, when against Russia already…

Vladimir Putin: I have already answered this question. Aggression was committed by the Kiev regime against two republics that were not recognized by us at that time.

To.Panyushkin: And what was the determining factor for Kim Jong-un to sign this treaty in such a difficult situation, when this undeclared war is being waged against Russia? And for you, too?

Vladimir Putin: You can ask him that. How can I tell?

As for the point, I've already said it. This almost completely reproduces our contract, which has expired due to the expiration of the term. Therefore, there is no novelty here.

To.Panyushkin: There is also the ever-smoldering Korean crisis, which can also theoretically develop into full-scale military operations. In this case, what was decisive for you when signing this agreement, taking into account these circumstances?

Vladimir Putin: I have said it twice, and I can repeat it a third time: we have reproduced the treaty of 1960 or 1962, which ended its existence.

Yes, of course, the Korean crisis is smoldering, but we believe and hope that our agreements with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea will also be a deterrent to a certain extent, so that this crisis does not develop into some kind of hot phase.

A. Kolesnikov: Kommersant newspaper, Andrey Kolesnikov.

Can the use of Western long-range weapons be considered an act of aggression? Can the shelling of Belgorod and Russian territory in general be considered an act of aggression?

Vladimir Putin: This requires more research, but it's close to it. We are analyzing this. What is it about in this case? Those who supply these weapons believe that they are not at war with us. I said, including in Pyongyang, that we then reserve the right to supply weapons to other regions of the world.

Taking into account our agreements with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, I do not rule this out. Where they will go next, we can also tell in the same way. So the Westerners supply weapons to Ukraine and say: but we don't control anything further here, and it doesn't matter how they are applied. Well, we can also say: we have delivered something to someone – and then we do not control anything. And let them think about it.

So at this stage, the most important task for us is to repel these attacks.

Alexander Savinykh: Vladimir Vladimirovich, TASS news agency.

I will allow myself to switch a little from the political to the economic agenda.

In your opinion, what are the prospects for today's talks in Hanoi in terms of trade and economic partnership? Given that the United States constantly and categorically puts pressure on both Vietnam itself and other countries in the region.

And I will allow myself to ask in addition to this question. You said today that Russia is ready to establish direct and long-term supplies of hydrocarbons to Vietnam, including LNG. What are the possible projects for Novatek? Is it just infrastructure projects or entering into really mining projects?

Vladimir Putin: Ask Michelson, and he'll tell you more about it.

There are different options here: you can take part in the construction of appropriate liquefaction facilities, or you can supply our liquefied gas from the territory of the Russian Federation. And so, and so it is possible. Here, too, there are prospects, there are corresponding blocks on which it is possible to work and produce liquefied natural gas.

As for the pressure from Washington and other Western countries, yes, it affects some people, but not very much. But in any case–-and I want to emphasize this, and believe me, this is actually the case—the rudeness with which the American authorities do this is not always good for them, but only bad for them in strategic terms, because no one likes this snobbery, and no one likes it, never even in the medium-term historical perspective will not forgive.

And we have already learned to overcome, we have learned to overcome. Look, our production is also growing. If oil has fallen a little, it is due to our voluntary restrictions within the framework of OPEC-plus, and the goal is to keep prices at an acceptable level. In principle, everything works out for us. There are difficulties, but there are also ways to solve all these difficulties.

V. Sineok: Viktor Sineok, Izvestia Research Center.

Vladimir Vladimirovich, a Ukrainian diplomat Kuleba recently gave an interview, where when asked why Ukraine does not do anything to get a legitimate leader, does not hold elections, does not follow the procedure, although it is obvious that he is now illegitimate, he replied in the spirit that " let Russia withdraw its troops, and then we will have everything will be fine."

How can you comment on such words? It turns out that we need the legitimacy of their leader more than they do.

If I may, very quickly the second question.

Vladimir Putin: Let me answer the first question first, and then the second.

I generally do not like to comment on anyone's statements, especially second or third parties. But in this case, I still can't resist saying that if the negotiations are linked to the withdrawal of our troops, which the Kiev regime dreams of, then, apparently, this will never happen, because the Kiev regime does not want to leave power and does not want to hold normal elections in accordance with the current legislation: The Constitution of Ukraine. That is, they will always delay the cease-fire. They are interested in our troops remaining in these territories, because they are not interested in holding elections. That's all.

Yes, the second part.

Vladimir Sineok: I wanted to ask you about your summons to the DPRK. Did you expect the reception to be so large and lavish?

Vladimir Putin: No, I didn't expect it.

V. Sineok: The informal part ended very badly, as you drove the Aurus, as you said goodbye for a very long time at the airport.

What are your relations with the leader of the DPRK? And what do you think they are based on?

Vladimir Putin: First of all, I didn't expect this. I imagined, of course, roughly how it would be. There are certain protocol standards in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and I know them. But I didn't expect it to take on such a scale. Some things were completely unexpected, this concerns a private program.

What unites us? These are issues related to interstate cooperation, and the development interests of North Korea and the Russian Federation, and in a variety of areas: in the field of security and in the economy.

D. Larue: Hello!

Dmitry Larue, Izvestia newspaper.

South Korea has already said that the new treaty between Russia and the DPRK threatens their security. There is information in the media that Seoul may reconsider the supply of lethal weapons to Kiev. Are there any plans or is there even such an opportunity to call the leadership of South Korea to put all the dots over the "I"? How does Moscow see the settlement of the Korean problem in general?

Vladimir Putin: As for the concerns of the Republic of Korea – I will start from what you said: South Korea, the Republic of Korea, has nothing to worry about, because our military assistance in accordance with the treaty that we signed only arises if one of the signatories of this document is carried out aggression. As far as I know, the Republic of Korea does not plan any aggression against the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, which means that there is no need to be afraid of our cooperation in this area.

As for the supply of lethal weapons to the war zone in Ukraine, this would be a very big mistake. I hope this doesn't happen. If this happens, then we will also make appropriate decisions that are unlikely to please the current leadership of South Korea.

D. Korter: Donald Korter, Russia Today.

NATO is currently discussing putting nuclear warheads on alert. How does Russia perceive this step and how will it affect global stability and security?

Vladimir Putin: The strategic nuclear forces of the Russian Federation are always in a state of full combat readiness. Therefore, what is being done now in Western countries is of little concern to us. But, of course, we are closely monitoring this, and in the event of an increase in any threats, we will respond appropriately and adequately to this.

A. Yunashev: Alexander Yunashev, Life.

You have repeatedly said that Zelensky is illegitimate, the only legitimate body is the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Some of the deputies tried to send a signal, maybe they wanted to negotiate with you? Maybe we are holding behind-the-scenes talks with someone?

And informally: how much sleep have you had recently?

Vladimir Putin: You mean, from the deputies of the Rada?

A. Yunashev: Yes.

Vladimir Putin: I don't know. Then you said, " I've said it repeatedly." I didn't say anything. I just did the analysis, not even me, but our lawyers did the analysis. This is a legal analysis of the Constitution of Ukraine. I mentioned these articles: Article 83 of the Constitution explicitly states that the term is limited to five years. 109th, 110th, 112th-approximately, you can see it – everything is written there that in the event of martial law, the powers, including those of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, pass to the Speaker of the Rada. It's all written there.

The law on martial law also says that presidential elections are not held. But it doesn't say that his powers are being extended, which means that's all, the train has left.

And finally, the decision of the Constitutional Court. Well, listen, it's written in black and white, there is a decision of the Constitutional Court in 2015, which explicitly says: the term of office of the president is five years, and that's all. Well, what are we talking about? Just in the West do not want to change it now, the time has not come. I've already said this, but I think it's obvious to anyone. He will be blamed for all unpopular decisions, including lowering the military age, and then everything will be changed. I think it will be sometime in the first half of next year.

Olga Samsonova: RIA Novosti.

Vladimir Vladimirovich, hello!

Anyway, you were asked about this during the press conference, but Westerners are constantly raising the temperature and constantly escalating the situation step by step.

Vladimir Putin: They are raising the temperature, yes.

Olga Samsonova: From your point of view, what is their goal? What do they want to achieve? Maybe this is some kind of provocation, you are being provoked to something?

Vladimir Putin: Indeed, we see it, we observe it. They are always, as you said, raising the temperature, escalating the situation. Apparently, they are counting on the fact that we will be afraid at some point. But at the same time, they also say that they want to achieve a strategic defeat of Russia on the battlefield. What does this mean for Russia? For Russia, this means the end of its statehood. This means the end of the thousand-year history of the Russian state. I think this is clear to everyone. And then the question arises: why should we be afraid? Wouldn't it be better to go all the way then? This is elementary formal logic, the course of which – I think we only had formal logic taught at the university for six months-I remember very well. I even remember the teacher who taught us this course.

I think that those who think so, and even more so say so, are making another big mistake.

Vladimir Putin: Let's have a few more questions.

You are welcome.

V. Desyatova: Vera Desyatova, Vesti FM Radio.

It is reported from the free zone that the Ukrainian Armed Forces are preparing a new "counter-offensive" in the Kharkiv direction. Is there such information and are our military ready to repel it?

Vladimir Putin: Our military is preparing for all possible developments in the situation.

As for the Kharkiv direction, as I have already said, there is no secret here. As I said, six months ago I said that if the shelling of our settlements in the border area continues, we will be forced to create a security zone-a sanitary zone - on Ukrainian territory. They continued, these attacks, and we did what we were talking about.

Yes, we know that mainly the Americans and Europeans are pushing the Ukrainians to push our units to the state border at any cost – again, I want to emphasize this, again at any cost – and they plan to present this as a major success in 2024 in connection with the expected NATO summit, and then the US elections.

Let's see what happens in reality. But this command "at any cost" – I assure you that it is, I know what I am talking about-of course, if it is not based on reality, it will again cost the Ukrainian armed forces very much. Let's actually see what happens.

In any case, as we understand, and I said that we have no goals to approach Kharkiv and so on, this is still a tactical direction, and the enemy will try to present this as a strategic success if it succeeds. Let's see what he actually does. But this is already associated with heavy losses. I think that, most likely, the situation will develop in this way.

It is very difficult to make any forecasts, because after all, these are military operations, this is not an easy situation – people are walking under bullets there, they are suffering losses, you know? That's why it's hard to say right now, but my assessment of the situation is something like this.

Yes, please.

G. Ivanov: Gleb Ivanov, Argumenty I Fakty newspaper.

After your talks with the North Korean leader yesterday, you said that the UN Security Council's sanctions against North Korea should be reviewed.

Vladimir Putin: I just repeated it.

G. Ivanov: Yes, and now they have repeated it.

Question: How do I do this? Given that the main initiator of these sanctions is categorically against it. Should we talk about the reform of the UN Security Council, as some of our BRICS friends are calling for?

Thank you.

Vladimir Putin: As for the reform of the UN and the UN Security Council, this is a problem that goes far beyond the topics that you have just raised.

The Security Council, as a key UN body, emerged after the Second World War and as a result of the Second World War and its results. Of course, the situation in the world is changing, and this requires some kind of reform of this international institution. But here–-this is already a stamp of our Ministry of Foreign Affairs—we need this reform to be based on a broad consensus. Because if this is some kind of behind-the-scenes decision of a group of countries, one country, it will not do anything good for the international community, because it will simply lose this instrument of dispute settlement. No matter how hard it is, no matter what the costs, the Security Council still works one way or another. Therefore, we are in favor of reform, but only, I repeat, on the basis of a broad consensus.

As for the review of sanctions against the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, yes, I mentioned that. But I am aware that in today's situation, it will be almost impossible to do this in the usual way, but we need to work on it. And we need to show, for example, as with labor migration, that certain instruments proposed and agreed upon in due time, of course, under the arrangement of the United States, lose all force, meaning and humanitarian principles of what they were introduced for. Therefore, we intend to start and continue this work. As we say among the people, water sharpens a stone. We'll see.

Let's have the final one, and that's it.

A. Konopko: Good evening!

Alexey Konopko, Russia TV channel.

After your talks in North Korea yesterday, the American press began to write that the American intelligence service is struck by the pace of rapprochement between Moscow and Pyongyang, Beijing and Tehran. Comrade Kim Jong-un also noted that the agreement was signed just a few months after you and he had the idea for this document.

Where does this speed come from? Is it Russia that has become such a more attractive partner, or have third countries in general somehow rethought their attitude to world realities, to diplomacy?

Vladimir Putin: I don't know. It is difficult for me to comment on what was said, because I do not know how the US intelligence community feels about what is happening. This is one of the most powerful intelligence services in the world. I think they are well informed, and you can hardly expect such a reaction, because we are openly talking about it. There is no need to engage in either electronic intelligence or agent intelligence in order to understand what is going on and at what stage it is. We worked openly, and all these issues were discussed.

Yes, of course, we discussed individual articles behind closed doors, but in general, we could probably look at our agreement from the 1960s, which we practically reproduced almost in full. It is strange if this causes any surprise, and that the US intelligence community was not ready for this.

Of course, everything was quite energetic, but the situation in the world is developing in such a way that it requires strengthening the regulatory framework with our partners, especially in those areas that we consider important, including taking into account what is developing in Asia. We see what's happening in Asia, don't we? The block system is being put together in Asia. NATO is already moving there as a permanent place of residence. This, of course, poses a threat to all countries in the region, including the Russian Federation. We must respond to this and will continue to do so.

Thank you very much.

All the best, goodbye! [My Emphasis]

There was nothing surprising in the statements made by the presidents. The continuation of Russia’s involvement in Vietnam’s energy sector was assumed and well as the further continuation of longstanding and thus familiar policies. Vietnam certainly agrees with Russia about NATO’s desire to encroach on a region it has no business being involved with. And Vietnam is one of the ASEAN states pushing the majority line regarding relations with China. It wasn’t mentioned but Vietnam is well aware of the history of Marcos Jr. and his following his father’s footsteps as a tool of the Outlaw US Empire. Tangentially related to all that is yesterday’s announcement by Malaysia of its intent to join BRICS+, specifically mentioning the Malacca Strait becoming a key BRICS asset. The only bad apple in the ASEAN basket currently is Marcos.

Putin’s remark as to why South Korea has nothing to fear from the alliance between DPRK and Russia was as commonsensical as it gets. The reciprocal question—Why does South Korea fear peaceful relations with the North—is the proper question to ask but not of Putin. I’m somewhat disappointed in the Russian Press Corp for its rather poor thinking about what might happen with the new alliance treaty between Russia and DPRK. It’s far more of a relief for Kim and his people, which is probably the reason for the rather intense reception Putin received that he admitted to not expecting. IMO, Putin is a father figure for Kim and thus the behavior. As for Ukraine and Putin’s recent speech on the topic, there’s little more I can add, and I don’t think Putin can make his and Russia’s position any plainer. I do think something else will happen to alter the current reality on the ground given Putin’s continual referral to that criterion. And clearly the nuke question won’t go away. The last point is on UN reform, which will only happen in the open and require a very broad consensus. It’s interesting that Putin mentioned the West’s lack of logic and thus reason in its policies, and not just regarding Ukraine as that echoes the main point made by Igor Istomin, acting head of the Department of Applied Analysis of International Problems at MGIMO University, in an op/ed published by RT, although I very much disagree with its title, “Russia fears a NATO attack. Here’s why:”

In a recent speech, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared that the actions of Western governments had brought the world “to the point of no return.” At the same time, domestic debate in Russia is dominated by the belief that the US and its allies recognize the catastrophic risks of a direct military confrontation with Moscow and will seek to avoid it for reasons of self-preservation.

Such judgments are based on the assumption that the West, despite its aggressiveness and arrogance, is guided in its policies by a rational balance of benefits and costs based on the existing balance of power. Past experience, however, does not convince us that the US-led bloc is capable of pursuing a balanced, calculated course.

IMO, the premise is faulty since Russia has long considered the West being agreement incapable precisely because of its inability to properly reason—Lavrov has railed at that for many years, well before the SMO. There’re some good points raised, but IMO the headline is too alarmist. Finally, SputnikGlobe has published the text of the Alliance Agreement between DPRK and Russia in full and in English.

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