Surferket Asked: "Can Karl put a link on his translation of what Putin said about Stalin's purges based on official Russian archives?"

The Wall of Sorrow in Moscow

Few know that on the 75th Anniversary of WW2’s ending, Russian President Vladimir Putin wrote a very long essay for publication in the Outlaw US Empire’s National Interest Journal that was described thusly by RT:

The Russian President used an op-ed, published in American foreign policy journal The National Interest and in the Russian government newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta, to reiterate that the Georgian-born autocrat, who led the Soviet Union from the 1920s to 1953, had committed crimes against his own people.

But this wasn’t the first time Putin had made such statements which Western media tried to turn around. Putin’s goal in dealing with Soviet and Russian history is to open the archives so the people can learn the facts about the past, something no Western politician would dare do since they aren’t the real rulers whereas Putin actually has that distinction. The process of revelation actually began before Putin became Russia’s president, but what was revealed isn’t the substance that Surferket asked about; that came later. The Remembrance Day for the Victims of Political Repression been observed since 30 October 1991. It was established by the Supreme Soviet of Russia on 18 October 1991, the same day as that body passed the "Law on the Rehabilitation of the Victims of Political Repression", a key piece of legislation still in force. One reason for closely following events published by the Kremlin is to become aware of important happenings. On 30 October 2017, on the anniversary of Remembrance Day, a meeting of Russia’s Council on the Development of Civil Society and Human Rights was held to “Focus attention of the meeting participants to measures aimed at the implementation of the Concept State policy to perpetuate the memory of the victims of political Repression” as the Kremlin put it. The discussion on this topic is very important to the question asked as it proves the dedication with which Russia has shown toward trying to face its past honestly and correct what historical wrongs that it can. This Council is also the same body that determined in 2021 that Genocide was being committed on the peoples of Donbass, so it’s had many impactful decisions on Russia’s past, present and future. Here’s a short portion of the very long meeting transcript that goes well beyond the question at issue:

Vladimir Putin: Dear colleagues! Our meeting is being held on the Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Political Repression. The memorial "Wall of Sorrow" will be opened today. Its creation is the result of the Council's initiative, as well as the development of the very Concept of State Policy to perpetuate the memory of victims of Political repression.

The opening of the monument is especially relevant in the year of the 100th anniversary of the revolution. I hope that this date will be perceived by our society as drawing a line under the dramatic events that divided the country and the people, will become a symbol of overcoming this split, a symbol of mutual forgiveness and acceptance of the national history as it is-with its great victories and tragic pages.

I have no doubt that the Council will continue to work for the unification of our society, to act as an objective, wise arbiter in resolving any, even the most complex problems.

Let me give the floor to Mikhail Alexandrovich. Please, Mikhail Alexandrovich.

Mikhail Fedotov: Thank you, Mr President.

Thank you for your kind words about Yelizaveta Petrovna and Daniil Borisovich. You will agree that both of them were filled with that sacrifice, and today, on the Day of Remembrance of the Victims of Political Repression, we will talk a lot about the victims, so they were filled with the sacrifice that motivated many Soviet human rights defenders who became real victims of political repression.

Today we will all participate in the opening of the national memorial. But is the rehabilitation process of the victims complete? Not in a narrowly legal sense, but in a broad human sense? In the sense of restoring what was lost? Have their manuscripts, their achievements, and their good name been returned to everyone?

For example, Andrei Sakharov was awarded the title Hero of Socialist Labor three times for his scientific work. In January 1980, Andrei Sakharov was stripped of this title for his human rights work, and this injustice has not yet been corrected. Soon it will be the centenary of Andrei Sakharov's birth, and we have concrete proposals on how to celebrate the anniversary of this great scientist and human rights defender.

In a sense, we have all been victims of political repression in the recent past. So deeply embedded in us are our compliance to propaganda, fear of our superiors, dependency, and intolerance. "The disunity of humanity threatens to destroy it," wrote Andrei Sakharov.

Social disunity is just as dangerous. Only through honest dialogue, through general propaganda disarmament, respect for human dignity, and solidarity in the face of common threats can we truly rehabilitate our society and restore its vital forces.

Next year, the entire world will celebrate the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Our Constitution has absorbed the full potential of the Declaration, but in practical terms we still have many problems to solve. That is why we propose to develop a national plan of action for human rights in order to plan for the future legislative and other efforts aimed at achieving real progress in ensuring the full range of human rights. At the same time, it will be necessary to provide for a mechanism for open public monitoring of the implementation of the national action plan.

In this regard, there should also be a place for those who consider themselves victims of injustice: injustice shown by judges, investigators, governors, mayors, heads of enterprises and organizations. I immediately recall Tamara Morshchakova's proposal made at our last meeting to establish the institute of an independent prosecutor.

Unfortunately, this idea has not been further developed, but the problem of restoring justice cannot remain unresolved. That is why it is an idea to try to approach this problem from a different angle. If you can't create an independent prosecutor, you can try to ensure the independence of the prosecutor.

Therefore, it is proposed to give the prosecutor the right to initiate criminal proceedings when it comes to the protection of human and civil rights and freedoms, to advocate for the protection of citizens ' rights in civil cases in any instance, to get acquainted with all the materials of the criminal case at the stage of preliminary investigation, to give preliminary consent to the investigator's appeal to At the same time, a mandatory annual report of public prosecutors should be introduced. To reduce the number of victims, we need donations to protect them.

You said, Mr President, that the amount of grants to support non-profit organizations has been significantly increased. This is absolutely accurate, but I suggest that we think about making sure that the Presidential Grants Fund can receive and distribute on a competitive basis not only budget funds, but also donations from domestic and foreign corporations interested in the development of Russian civil society. This is especially important for human rights organizations, since Russian charities are afraid to support them, and taking money from foreign foundations means signing up as foreign agents.

Dear colleagues, our meeting today is taking place in a time - constrained environment. By 5 p.m., hundreds of people are waiting for us at the opening of the memorial to the victims of political repression on Akademika Sakharova Avenue in the cold wind and rain. Among those gathered are many former GULAG prisoners – people, to put it mildly, middle-aged. Therefore, I have reduced my presentation as much as possible and ask all speakers to do the same or at least strictly observe the allotted time.

As you read, six years ago, Russia was steeped in addressing issues no Western nation dares to touch, and the transcript reveals much more as does its continuing meetings. Recently, Maria Zakharova in her weekly MFA briefings asked the Outlaw US Empire to reopen the investigations into the series of 1960s political assassinations that have never been declared solved with the naming of the guilty parties. Russia is facing up to its past but the Outlaw US Empire refuses to do the same, yet it accuses Russia of hiding its past. When the Wall of Sorrow was dedicated and after, many Western accounts derided it mightily as the Woke attack aimed at Russia was gathering momentum. And now to move to the ceremonial speech by Putin:

As you see, it was cold, dark and rainy but that was no deterrent to dedicating this very important monument, which might be likened to the Vietnam Wall that only has the names of the Imperialist soldiers killed, not the millions of Asians who were slaughtered. Here’s Putin followed by Patriarch Kirill:

Vladimir Putin: Dear friends!

Today is a special memorable date: October 30 – for more than 25 years-is celebrated in our country as the national Day of Remembrance of victims of Political Repression.

It is very important for all of us, for future generations, to know and remember this tragic period in our history, when entire classes, entire peoples were brutally persecuted: workers and peasants, engineers and military leaders, priests and civil servants, scientists and cultural figures.

The repressions did not spare either talent, services to the Motherland, or sincere devotion to it, and everyone could be charged with far-fetched and absolutely absurd charges. Millions of people were declared "enemies of the people", were shot or maimed, went through the torments of prisons, camps and exile.

This terrible past cannot be erased from the national memory and, moreover, cannot be justified by anything, by any higher so-called benefits of the people.

In the history of our country, as in any other, there are many complex and contradictory stages. They argue about them, discuss them, and offer different approaches to explaining certain events.

This is a natural process of learning about history and searching for the truth. But when it comes to repression, the deaths and sufferings of millions of people, it is enough to visit the Butovo landfill and other mass graves of victims of repression, of which there are many in Russia, to understand that there can be no justification for these crimes.

Political repressions have become a tragedy for our entire people, for the entire society, a cruel blow to our people, their roots, culture, and identity. We still feel the consequences.

It is our duty to prevent oblivion. The very memory, clarity and unambiguity of the position and assessments of these dark events serve as a powerful warning against their repetition.

Therefore, two years ago, the Government of the Russian Federation adopted a Concept of State policy to perpetuate the memory of victims of political repression, and established a Memorial Fund.

The idea of a monument to the victims of political repression was born in the distant years of the "thaw", but such memorials began to be created only in recent decades.

Today we are opening the "Wall of Sorrow" in the center of the capital. A grandiose, poignant monument-both in its meaning and in its embodiment. It appeals to our conscience, to our feelings, to a deep and honest understanding of the period of repression, and to compassion for its victims.

Many thanks to the author of the monument – sculptor Georgy Vartanovich Frangulyan, the Moscow government, which took over the main financing costs, and the citizens who contributed their personal funds to the creation of the monument.

In conclusion, I would like to ask Natalia Solzhenitsyn's permission, and I would like to quote her words: "To know, to remember, to condemn. And only then-to forgive." I fully agree with these words.

Yes, we and our descendants should remember the tragedy of the repressions and the reasons that gave rise to them. But that doesn't mean calling for a bill to be paid. It is impossible to push society to the dangerous line of confrontation again.

It is now important for all of us to build on the values of trust and stability. Only on this basis can we solve the problems facing society and the country, Russia, which we have one.

I would like to thank the author of the monument once again, and I would like to thank everyone who took part in the creation of this monument. It is important for us, important for the whole country today, and even more important for young people, for tomorrow, for the future of Russia.

Thank you very much.

Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia: Dear Vladimir Vladimirovich, Dear Ladies and Gentlemen, Brothers and sisters!

Today's event, which brought us together at this monument, encourages us to think once again about the terrible tragedy that occurred in Russia in the twentieth century. We know that the tragic events that have taken place will continue to be understood for a long time, but the year of the centenary of the revolution should be especially important for such understanding.

As we look at these tragedies, we wonder: how could this happen? Why did residents of the same country, neighbors, and colleagues harass and kill each other? How did the grandiose idea of building a free and just world lead to blood and lawlessness?

At that time, people dreamed of a world without exploitation, without poverty, without wars, a world where science would solve all problems and cure all diseases. But the dream turned into a nightmare for many. What was the mistake? Is it not that people sought to build a humane and just society, rejecting the spiritual foundations of human life and putting morality in a position subordinate to ideology, which led to the justification of injustice and cruelty on the way to building a "bright future"?

The danger of social deviation from moral norms leads to crises. This point of view is shared by representatives of all traditional religions of Russia, among whose followers the repressive machine did not distinguish.

And today we should all realize that there will be no bright future if the moral and spiritual basis of human existence is destroyed again in the pursuit of such a future under the influence of new ideologies. The current generation has no right to repeat historical mistakes: hatred should not guide us in our quest to build a peaceful, just and prosperous life.

Therefore, the tragic pages of our past should not be a reason to incite hatred and increase tension, and the condemnation of terror should not turn from a moral act into a political ritual.

At the same time, we are called to never forget these terrible events, because the victims of fratricidal war, famine, religious and class persecution are not faceless masses, but absolutely concrete people. These are our ancestors who live in our memory, whose surnames we continue to bear and whose names we remember or should remember in our prayers.

Monuments are needed to heal a person. Coming here, remembering the tragic events of our history, people should not feel discouraged and despair. They should think about their descendants and what kind of country and history they will leave them as a legacy.

May the All-merciful Lord help us all draw correct conclusions from the past hundred years, from the tragic events that began a hundred years ago, and help us never repeat the mistakes of our ancestors.

May God protect the Russian land from all enemies visible and invisible! [My Emphasis]

Where is there a similar monument in any of the Plundering Empires? Will the Zionists raise a memorial to all those they killed and repressed? What about the French? The British? The Americans? Yet their politicians and media have the gall to dis Russia for trying to face its past so it can use it to grow further. And now to the further meat of the matter.

On the 75th anniversary on WW2’s termination in Europe, Vladimir Putin wrote an article for publication in the Outlaw US Empire’s National Interest foreign policy journal which was subsequently published by the Kremlin as an 88 page academic paper complete with the original documents that fill half its length. The Russians seem to have a knack for exposing very important documents that rectify previously misshapen history and other nefarious dealings, like Sykes-Picot. Indeed, it’s very educational to do an internet search for media articles related to Putin’s essay to see the feeble attempts at refutation. The main point at issue is directly addressed in this RT headline for an article dealing with Putin’s essay:

Putin: Stalin’s Soviet regime is rightly accused of crimes & mass repression against its own people

The most important point is made in the opening paragraph:

One of the strange aspects of western media coverage of Russia is the constant attempts to paint Vladimir Putin as an apologist for Josef Stalin. Meanwhile, in the real world, he has once-again berated the Soviet leader’s legacy…. [And continued]

Putin also noted that Stalin “did not disgrace himself” by holding personal meetings with Adolf Hitler, in contrast to the leaders of some other European nations, for whom the German Fuhrer was a “reputable politician” and a “welcome guest.”

This is far from the first time Putin has put the boot into his Kremlin predecessor. Back in October 2017, he personally unveiled a monument in central Moscow to Stalin’s victims and was strong in his condemnation. He recalled that under the system of state terror during Stalin’s rule, “any person could face made-up and absolutely absurd charges.” [My Emphasis]

The same author wrote a very interesting article for RT in 2016 that asked the question: “Is Putin the New Stalin?”

A shorter version of the essay is available here, while this is an interpretive article based on the essay. The Kremlin’s official English translation is here but doesn’t directly link to the documents which are within the above pdf academic article.

Surferket’s and others’s curiosities over this question ought to now be well sated by the plethora of material they can now sort through. Putin’s two short sentences at the dedication ceremony were filled with great meaning when it comes to the issue of whether Soviets ought to have been tried at Nuremburg that are very different from anything the West might say in its own defense:

Yes, we and our descendants should remember the tragedy of the repressions and the reasons that gave rise to them. But that doesn't mean calling for a bill to be paid. [My Emphasis]

Demonizing Russia today for events that occurred 80-100+ years ago is a complete waste of time for they were crimes of a different sort of which the West also did to their own publics, although not quite on the same scale. Instead, the West exerted its repression on those residing in its colonies and minorities within its national borders—the Germans within the Outlaw US Empire during WW1 are an excellent example, but only one of many. How many tens of millions did the British kill in South Asia and its African colonies? Russia, China, and the rest of the Global Majority are trying to morally advance beyond the Age of Plunder while the West desires its continuance. Currently within the Outlaw US Empire there reside more innocents within its jails than guilty because of pure and simple repression that 100% contradicts the spirit and meaning of the Law and the US Constitution. The social problems within the Empire today pale in comparison with those existing within Russia. Why? Because Russia has Councils like the one introduced at the top of this article, and it has days dedicated to healing its past. Notice that similar committees existing within the US Congress only look overseas and not at what’s happening within the nation.

Some of this content is aimed at the discussion within the previous article dealing with Nuremburg. The question begged is which is the braver nation confronting its past: Russia or The Outlaw US Empire. The above evidence ought to speak for itself versus the empty silence heard in North America.

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