What "Rooting Out the Causes of the Crisis" Entails

Putin & Lukashenko at Valaam

I’m not Russian nor Orthodox, so I can’t give an in-depth comment on what this particular Monastery signifies to Russians and Orthodox worshipers, although the brief info provided here is somewhat helpful. That Putin and Lukashenko assumed the roles of tourists and pilgrims perhaps as the photos indicate I also see as important—symbolic. The locations full name is Smolensk Skete of the Transfiguration of the Savior Valaam Stavropegic Monastery. The video shows the Union State leaders sharing a bench and having an informal chat before the assembled media asks its questions—a very different “garden” press conference. Do read the brief info at the link about Valaam as it will tell you why IMO this visit was planned to be symbolic mainly for Russians and Belarusians but also for everyone wanting Truth & Justice in our world—not just in Ukraine but beyond to every corner. Valaam was a place of struggle and suffered deeply from several Patriotic Wars; and as we see the War against the Russian Orthodox Church—indeed, much of Orthodoxy—continues. RT says “rooting out;” I use “eradicate.” IMO, the latter’s the better term. Putin will reveal more about Valaam during the Q&A:

Media: Vladimir Vladimirovich, Alexander Grigorievich, hello!

Let me take this opportunity to ask you a few questions.

V. Putin: Yes but let me first greet Alexander Grigorievich again.

A. Lukashenko: Thank you.

V. Putin: To thank him for accepting the invitation and coming on such a day...

A. Lukashenko: As agreed, every year.

V.Putin: On such a day, when we remember all the soldiers who gave their lives for the Fatherland, we have a memorable date, and it has become a tradition. We meet here regularly. And, of course, we will have the opportunity to discuss our current affairs, as we have agreed.

The government is working very actively. We already have a trade turnover of over 50 billion. This is a very good achievement. There are many projects, and they are in very important and promising areas. Of course, there are always many questions when dealing with such a large volume. We will have the opportunity to discuss these issues.

A. Lukashenko: We will put the weekend on the altar of discussion.

Vladimir Vladimirovich, you said very correctly: when I flew here, I noted that we have developed a good tradition–-two Orthodox peoples, we as representatives, every year [meet here], and this church is already like a native one. But at the entrance I noticed that the Smolensk skete is good, but there is no Belarusian skete here.

V. Putin: This is our common goal.

A. Lukashenko: Yes.

V. Putin: It was founded in 1914.

A.Lukashenko: Yes, in 1914, and Smolensk is practically nearby. So we'll think about it too. There's plenty of space here.

V. Putin: Yes, please.

A.Lukashenko: To build a little church. We'll think about it, since the road has already been laid. Many Belarusians come here, and we share the same Orthodox faith. Thank you for establishing a good tradition.

Vladimir Putin: Thank you.

Question: Vladimir Vladimirovich, we wanted to ask you about the third round of negotiations that took place in Istanbul; you did not comment on them. We wanted to clarify whether a response had been received from Kiev regarding the proposal that was made in Istanbul about three groups that could operate online. How do you assess the progress of the negotiations and their prospects? And one more thing. Recently, just a few days ago, [Vladimir] Zelensky said, in my opinion, today, that it makes no sense to negotiate with Russia at the moment and that we should wait for the regime to change.

V. Putin: In principle, you can wait if the Ukrainian leadership believes that now is not the time, but you need to wait. Please, we are ready to wait. This is the first.

Secondly, our political regime is based on the Constitution of the Russian Federation, and the government is formed strictly in accordance with the Basic Law of the state, which cannot be said about Ukraine. I don't want to go into details now, but the current government is not based on the Ukrainian constitution, and the constitution has clearly been violated, but I don't want to go into these details.

As for negotiations, negotiations are always in demand and always important, especially if it is a desire for peace. I have a generally positive assessment. How can we not have a positive assessment of the fact that hundreds of people have returned to their homeland? This is positive. As you know, for humanitarian reasons, we have handed over thousands of the bodies of deceased Ukrainian soldiers, and in return, we have received several dozen of our own soldiers who have laid down their lives for their homeland. Isn't this positive? Of course, this is a positive development.

As for any disappointments on the part of anyone, all disappointments arise from excessive expectations. This is a well-known general rule, but in order to approach the issue in a peaceful way, it is necessary to have detailed conversations, and not in public, but in a calm and quiet negotiation process. This is precisely why we proposed the creation of the three groups that you mentioned. Overall, the Ukrainian side's reaction was positive. We have agreed that we can conduct such negotiations without a camera, without any political noise, in a calm environment, and look for compromises. They have not yet started working. This work has not yet begun, but overall, I repeat, the first reaction from the Ukrainian side seemed positive. Therefore, we expect this process to be launched.

Question: Another additional question: are the conditions for a long-term ceasefire that you announced a year ago still valid?

V.Putin: Yes, these conditions have certainly remained the same. These are not even conditions, but goals, I have formulated Russia's goals. Until now, until that moment, we were told that it was unclear what Russia wanted. We formulated them in June last year at a meeting with the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. Everything is clear there, but the main thing is to eradicate the causes of this crisis, this is the main thing.

And, of course, there are humanitarian issues and security issues in a broad sense – security issues for Russia, but also for Ukraine. By the way, the Ukrainian delegation suggested that it might be worth talking about the security of both Russia and Ukraine in the context of pan-European security. This was suggested by one of the leaders of the Ukrainian delegation. We generally agree with this idea.

And the humanitarian issue is the Russian language, the independence and decent conditions for the development of the Orthodox Church, the Christian Church in Ukraine. All of this should be discussed and should form the basis for a long-term, lasting peace, without any time restrictions at all.

Question: Dear Alexander Grigoryevich, Vladimir Vladimirovich, I can't help but ask about the current situation: there are constant sanctions from the West, and the European Union is literally stamping-out package after package; we have already counted 18. In this regard, I have a question: how will the strategy of the Union State change, and how will we respond and modify our anti-sanctions strategy?

A. Lukashenko: We have already changed everything we needed to: if someone closed the door in front of us, there are many open doors in the world. Both Russia and Belarus have made a very serious turnaround today. I think that time will pass, and the world will appreciate what we have done. It was simply impossible to imagine this in the early 2000s, but we have done it, we have turned around, and we will continue to live. No one will be able to bring us to our knees in our world. We are determined to defend our interests. Russia is a treasure trove of minerals and technologies. Therefore, it takes time to prove to our doubters and the rest of the world that we are capable of much.

Yesterday, you heard the meeting with the diplomats, I said that there are no sanctions, there are no sanctions, and that's it. There's nothing to talk about them. As soon as we start talking about sanctions, then everyone refers to those who don't want to work, and they say it's difficult. No, and that's it. Sanctions are opportunities. I think that Russia is acting in the same way, even more sharply, understanding this issue. We have always been and will always be there for you, as I said yesterday, don't worry about these sanctions.

What was asked of Vladimir Vladimirovich about negotiations and his position, I absolutely support in this case. Very correct. The President says that war is war, but negotiations are always conducted. The Americans fought in Vietnam far away and negotiated from the first day of the war. The mistake of the Ukrainians, I am watching this, is that they demand the impossible. What they say and what Russia offers – the President just announced this – is being resolved at the negotiating table. There may be compromises, retreats, turns, and reversals. But you're right when you say that it's for the public. It's about saying a lot and not doing anything.

I've spoken publicly, and the statement of our mutual friend, for whom we were so worried, Donald Trump. I remember our worries that he would win and so on. There are 50, 60, 10 days. This is not how politics are done. If he wants peace, he must connect carefully and thoroughly. This is a military confrontation, and it is impossible to point out, especially to a nuclear power. Listen, it's just ridiculous.

You know, I recently met with the Americans. I told them openly — they're his close friends — and I told the president that we need to do this carefully. We can reach an agreement.

Today, there's an air truce again. I say, "Yes, Russia is interested in this, President Putin, but you don't want it. Tell Zelensky to go for it, so that there won't be any flying objects falling on people's heads. This is the last one. You know, there was a case in Belarus where 59 kilograms of explosives filled with balls and other items were detonated. Well, it didn't explode, but it hit a ten-story building where ordinary people lived. This is a dangerous escalation. We need to stop, and we need to do it carefully.

Vladimir Vladimirovich knows that the Russians are negotiating with the Ukrainians in Istanbul, and he called me to thank me. We are continuing our work in Belarus, and we are doing everything we can to facilitate border exchanges. The Ukrainians have opened the border, and they have restored the railway connection. This means that progress is being made.

There was a lot of shouting about the children. Please, the Russians say, come and see, negotiations are being held by the Russian and Ukrainian Human Rights Ombudsmen, and negotiations are being held about the children. What did Russia do wrong? There is a war, the children are homeless, they are being fed and clothed. No, they are being accused of this. Why? Please, let's negotiate. And the exchange is taking place.

V. Putin: It turned out that there are no children.

A. Lukashenko: There are no [such] numbers, of course. There are three or four children who have been exchanged, and their [parents] have lost them. Please.

V. Putin: When we said during the negotiation process in Istanbul: please, give us the lists. There is nothing.

A. Lukashenko: There are no lists. Therefore, there is a public build-up, which is not beneficial, and we should just sit down at the table and negotiate, regardless of our positions.

V. Putin: And the negotiations, by the way, began in Belarus.

A.Lukashenko: Yes, three rounds have passed. If you don't like it in Belarus, well, Vladimir Vladimirovich and I have discussed it, even if it's on the moon or anywhere else. But we need to sit down at the negotiating table and talk, rather than throwing stones at each other.

"I want to meet with Putin!" - well, why are you shouting about it? Prepare the appropriate ground, the statement, and so on—I told the Americans about this—prepare it, and then sit down and sign it. And call Trump, Macron, anyone, Starmer, but you have to prepare it. Don't they understand this? They do. And if they say this, it means they don't want to, they're just playing to the public

Question: If you don't mind, I have one more question. You said that there is always a broad agenda between our countries, and you will discuss it. Will you discuss security issues?

In particular, is there any clarity on the Oreshnik issue? Both sides have confirmed that the Oreshnik project will continue in Belarus, but is there any specific information available?

A. Lukashenko: The specifics are that the military, although they are concrete people, are in a hurry everywhere, wanted this “Oreshnik” – this refers to the Belarusian position – to place “Oreshnik” somewhere in the future year. Vladimir Vladimirovich said correctly: this year we should basically finish these processes – construction, creation and so on. We do not back down from this yet.

V. Putin: No [, we are not retreating].

The first thing I want to say in this regard. We have produced the first serial complex "Hazel", the first serial rocke-t-and it entered the army. Now the series is working. First.

Second. Our specialists–-both Belarusian and Russian military specialists—have chosen a location for future positions, and work is currently underway to prepare these positions. Therefore, it is likely that we will resolve this issue by the end of the year.

A. Lukashenko: We don't rush, we do it calmly, there's no need to run ahead of time. As soon as they're ready, not just the positions. As you said, building is easy. We need military equipment, charges, and missiles, which are not cheap.

V. Putin: And to protect this position.

A. Lukashenko: And of course, we need to protect them.

V. Putin: Everything is going according to plan.

A. Lukashenko: Don't worry about security.

Question: Vladimir Vladimirovich, how do you assess the current situation in the special military operation and the overall dynamics?

V. Putin: Yesterday, as usual, I discussed these issues several times with the Minister of Defense [Andrey Belousov] and the Chief of the General Staff [Valery Gerasimov], and I knew that we would have an approach to the press, so I asked them myself. I said, "How should we answer this question about the situation in the special military operation?" Their response was, "Please answer honestly." Now they will see this and remember it.

And what is fair today? It means that our troops are advancing along the entire line of contact–-along the entire line: in the border zone, in the Donetsk [People’s] Republic, in the Luhansk Republic, in Zaporozhye, and in Kherson-–everywhere, on all fronts, somewhere more, somewhere less, but positive activity. Thanks, of course, to the courage and heroism of our guys.

In addition, we are currently in a special place, where a church has been built in memory of all our soldiers who have died in all times for the Fatherland. However, we are currently discussing the Special Military Operation. The current positive dynamics on the frontline are undoubtedly due to the heroism of our soldiers who are advancing, but we also owe this to the soldiers who have remained on the battlefield and given their lives for their homeland.

Because it was they who created the conditions for today's people, who are in the ranks today, to move forward and have this opportunity. This is a shared achievement. In this sense, we have no wasted losses.

This is the general picture, and the dynamics are clear. Recently, you may have heard that a new settlement, Chasov Yar, has been taken, and it is a fairly large settlement. We have already heard that this is not true. I can tell you and assure you that this is completely true. Moreover, the Ministry of Defense announced only yesterday, I believe, that Chasov Yar was actually taken a few days ago.

They were engaged in the so-called mopping up. Although there are probably attempts at counterattacks. But, in addition, such statements that this is incorrect information on our part, it says that the top political leadership of Ukraine is not very informed about the course of events. Well, that's their problem.

But in general, I repeat, the dynamics are positive. After all, just recently, remember, everyone was talking about the need to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia on the battlefield, but today they have a different, single, but fiery passion: to stop our offensive at all costs, either by promising a better life, or by threatening us, or by rearming and replenishing the Armed Forces of Ukraine. To stop it, and then deal with these issues of rearmament and replenishment.

I will repeat once again: we need a long-lasting and stable peace on good, basic foundations that would satisfy both Russia and Ukraine and ensure the security of both countries. And perhaps the negotiators on the Ukrainian side are right when they carefully, but still, put forward the idea that we should talk about European security in general.

Question: If the ideology of peace and the desire to resolve all difficulties are increasingly heard from Minsk and Moscow, then we only hear dictates and ultimatums from the West. Even the EU and the United States have called the latest deal a shame for the EU. What will this dictate, ultimatum, trade war, and tariff dictate do to the global economy? And what does it mean for us?

A. Lukashenko: Recently, the Russian leadership correctly stated that such a continuation, although it has already happened, will lead to the deindustrialization of Europe, although it has already happened there.

V. Putin: It's happening.

A. Lukashenko: And this process continues. They will destroy Europe, the European Union. There were rumors that the Americans also have this goal-–to weaken this center of power. After all, the European Union was not a weak organization. This is what will happen.

And they should not have been fighting us head-on, as I have said more than once, but should have been working together. The European Union and Russia would have been a powerful force if they had united. Of course, the Americans would never allow this to happen, as it would be too frightening for them, even more so than China. If they had united, they would have been a formidable force. However, they do not understand this. Perhaps they do not need to understand it.

I look at these leaders–-I don't want to characterize them in front of Vladimir Vladimirovich. Some of them are already leaving, as they're called, lame ducks, and others have just arrived, with a rating below 20%. The people don't like this policy. And why don't the people of Europe like it? The main reason is their stance on Ukraine. They're impoverished themselves, but they're spending billions, even trillions, on weapons and aid to Ukraine. I don't know, maybe it's wrong.

V. Putin: You know, until recently, political scientists and the so-called political circles in general said that the European Union is an economic giant, but a political dwarf. These are not my words, I do not want to offend anyone–-so we have read this in Western sources ourselves? But, and I have always said this before, in the modern world–-it has always been important, and today especially–-sovereignty plays a key role, one might say, including for economic development.

It was clear that the European Union and Europe did not have much sovereignty. Today, it is evident that they have none at all. This is followed by economic losses in the current critical situation, and the loss of political sovereignty now leads to the loss of economic sovereignty and enormous losses.

Therefore, as I have always said, one of the key tasks, including the tasks of the special military operation, is to strengthen Russia's sovereignty.

Question: The topic of Ukraine is somehow raised in all questions. The recent scandals in Ukraine related to anti-corruption agencies, what do you think they are? How can you comment on what happened?

V. Putin: Alexander Grigorievich, can you comment on this?

A.Lukashenko: You know, I thought, thought, thought. Well, the West is now putting pressure on Zelensky. I'm watching this and thinking: well, what did Zelensky want? He took billions, billions, hundreds of billions of money. The West says: well, we want to see where this money will be spent. And they once proposed the creation of an anti-corruption bureau and an anti-corruption prosecutor's office–-this is exactly about [the issue of] sovereignty.

He took the money–who gave it, says: we want to see how. Agreed–-now woke up. Probably, or elections, or something else they want to organize–-this is on the people. Tried to do, the West quickly organized, said “no”. And after two days–-or there was how many–-he said: no. And after two hours the Rada cancelled everything. He signed the law.

What kind of sovereignty? There is no sovereignty. And there is no need to be indignant: you took the money, and the person who gave it to you wanted to control where you put the money as a non-sovereign state. And you know where you put it: during this time, people on the Côte d'Azur and beyond have built impressive palaces and are doing well, and some of them are even running for president of Ukraine. Therefore, this is a mess, and there is no other way to describe it.

The basis is the loss of sovereignty and independence.

V. Putin: In general, corruption is a negative phenomenon in society that is typical for very many, if not all, countries in the world. There is nothing unusual about this. The question is the degree of corruption and the ability of society, the willingness and ability to fight this phenomenon. And what is the willingness and ability of society to fight corruption? In other words, society itself must be willing and able to fight corruption.

And if society influences such processes, it is part of democracy. But democracy cannot be imposed from the outside, just as it is impossible to fight corruption from the outside. Especially if those who suffer from corruption themselves are doing it. Is there no corruption in Europe or the United States? In fact, it is legalized there, and there is an institution of lobbying. What is this? It means that people go around giving money to government officials at all levels. That is also corruption.

It is clear that Ukraine is a country where corruption is rampant. Is it possible to combat it from the outside? Alexander Grigoryevich said that these various bureaus were created, but they are not subordinate to the local authorities: neither the president, nor the parliament, nor anyone else. This is an external institution.

Listen, I just said, is it possible to bring democracy from outside, including anti-corruption institutions? When were these institutions established in Ukraine? In 2015. And what year is it today? 2025.

A. Lukashenko: We won, in short.

V. Putin: Of course! So what? It has been around for ten years, and everyone around the world is shouting at the top of their lungs: “Help! Corruption is sweeping Ukraine.” Yes, it is. But the effectiveness of the institutions brought in from outside is zero.

Instead of imposing external institutions of governance on the people, in this case the Ukrainian people, we need to help them stand on their own feet and create these institutions themselves.

It is impossible for people to elect a president and a parliament and not influence the processes that take place in society. This is a humiliating state. There is no sovereignty, no sovereignty at all.

Yes, that's right, they tried to change something, to regain at least some of their sovereignty. But when they didn't like it from above, they just whistled, clicked, and everything was returned to its original state. It would have been better if they hadn't done anything. If they had just stayed in one place, everything would have been hidden and smooth. But they only brought shame upon themselves.

But the idea that they need to regain at least some of their sovereignty is certainly correct.

Let's get this over with, or we'll be here all day.

Question: I would like to clarify the negotiation process on Ukraine. It is going through difficult and slow stages. In this regard, Alexander Grigoryevich has already partially addressed this issue, but nevertheless, is Belarus ready to provide any assistance, and is it necessary for Russia at this time?

A.Lukashenko: We have long agreed with Vladimir Vladimirovich – if necessary, he will always say, connect Belarus both to the process and to the processes.

Today, I just said that we have reached an agreement in Istanbul. There are important issues to be addressed, such as the exchange of prisoners of war, the exchange of wounded soldiers, and so on. I have called Vladimir Vladimirovich and told him that we treat everyone equally. He supports this approach. Both Ukrainians and Russians are warriors. Some are wounded, while others require immediate medical attention. We are ready to provide assistance to those in need. There are indeed such individuals.

[It's not just about] prisoners of war, [but also about] the transfer of the bodies of the deceased. The Ukrainians don't trust anyone. Let the Belarusians, for example, transfer the bodies of some people here and others there, but only the Belarusians. They've restored the railway tracks to bring the refrigerators. No, let only the Belarusians take the helm of this steam locomotive and drive the refrigerators back and forth.

We were looking for people, we had to [recruit] Afghans who fought in Afghanistan, we found railway workers who were doing this. The Russians asked us, the Ukrainians agreed to this–-we are doing this. If necessary, more will be offered.

But Vladimir Vladimirovich said something very correct–-my point of view is completely in line with his–-about Chasov Yar. We are absolutely on the subject–-this is really the case. I don't know, maybe on the outskirts, somewhere, some houses are still not cleared–-I don't know how today.

V. Putin: No, it's not there.

A. Lukashenko: But Chasov Yar is the road to Kramatorsk, which is actually the center of Ukraine's special military operation. And then what? What am I getting at? Ukraine should be running around right now, begging Vladimir Vladimirovich: "Let's sit down at the negotiating table and come to an agreement." Otherwise, in a month, a month and a half, or two months, I don't know, there won't even be any defensive structures left. The Russians will gradually take over and conquer the area.

V. Putin: They will return it. It's ours.

A. Lukashenko: They will return it. Therefore, we need to negotiate. If they want something, they should run after it.

Because the day before-–obviously, we will discuss this topic-I collected all the information on the front line and also coordinated it with your military. In our country, it absolutely coincides in all points, even in the Sumy region, where you are trying to create a buffer zone. There is an offensive everywhere. Not fast, but slow. Why slowly--I asked Vladimir Vladimirovich. He says, "I feel sorry for people."

That's right: it's slow, but it's steady. And there aren't as many casualties as in the Great Patriotic War, when hundreds of thousands were thrown into battle and hundreds of thousands died. In Poland alone, 600,000 of our people, the Soviet people, lost their lives. There's no such war in Ukraine; it's quiet and peaceful. However, this provides an opportunity for the Ukrainians to say, "Listen, let's sit down and negotiate." But they don't want to do that.

V. Putin: As for Ukraine's participation in the negotiation process, we are very grateful to Alexander Grigoryevich and Belarus in general for the support and assistance that Belarus and the President of Belarus are providing to us.

We are in constant contact. I constantly inform Alexander Grigoryevich about the results of this negotiation process. And all our exchanges take place on the territory of Belarus. The negotiation process began there in 2022, and then moved to Istanbul, where we continue.

But we know the position of Alexander Grigoryevich, the entire Belarusian leadership, and the Belarusian people, who want to see peace between our two countries, Russia and Ukraine, as soon as possible. Alexander Grigoryevich is directly and actively involved in this process. Thank you.

Question: There was a very powerful earthquake in Kamchatka, and the world was captivated by the footage of doctors who continued to perform surgeries despite the difficult situation and the risk to their lives. Many people believe that these doctors deserve awards, while others believe that they were simply fulfilling their duty. Will you reward them?

V. Putin: It is possible to perform one's duty in different ways. These doctors performed it with dignity and heroism. Of course, they deserve state awards.

I was recently briefed by the Governor [Vladimir Solodov] on the situation in Kamchatka. Let me remind you that many years ago, we worked on strengthening buildings and structures in Kamchatka, which is located in a dangerous seismic zone, and we also worked on communication systems. I hope that this has also played a role, as there have been no serious damages or casualties, which is very good news.

As for the doctors you mentioned, I have already given my assessment. However, I would like to assure you that we have many specialists who perform their duties to the best of their abilities, and we always strive to respond appropriately and provide the necessary recognition from the government, including through awards.

Thank you. [My Emphasis]

I’m very surprised more wasn’t said by media about this meeting as some very important things were said—not just the need to deal with what caused this conflict, whose roots happen to be related to all current conflicts on the planet. I have no idea if any pre-presser strategy was discussed between Putin and Lukashenko; probably very little since they know each other so well. Thus, the atmosphere of a casual discussion between media and the two leaders was carried off very well. The main issue aimed at by both was sovereignty and the lack of it within the EU and by Ukraine, while the Union State continues to strengthen its combined—shared—sovereignty via its expanding trade, shrugging off illegal sanctions and using them as “opportunities” and improving their security. Calling out Trump and BigLie Western media for its empty “public build-ups” and promoting false, “excessive expectations.” Incorporating the title of the very powerful Russian film, Come and See, regarding the children question was masterful. The negotiations are happening with Putin saying he’s okay with the progress, the proposed new format and saying twice that Ukraine suggested joint European security and Russia would be pleased to discuss that since it’s part of the end solution.

Turning the corruption issue into an example of Ukraine’s lack of sovereignty was also exemplary. Ukraine’s government is unconstitutional, which in itself presents its own problems, while Putin also said it was good to try and regain a portion of its sovereignty by trying to control corruption. I found that a very curious point with the implication being that Zelensky was merely an agent of those giving him monies, not a president able to allocate those monies as he deemed correct. And that begs this question: When appropriations are made, to whom or what are they made to? Zelensky is accused of being give Billions$$Euros, but was he really the one named as the recipient? Putin once again essentially stated the EU is merely a colony of the Outlaw US Empire, that it and thus its members lack national sovereignty, although some are more captured than others. There were several interesting quips, several of which were important, such as Putin on the area beyond Chasov Yar:

They will return it. It's ours.

And of course, more will be taken before the SMO ends, which is why Lukashenko says the Ukrainians ought to “run” to negotiation.

I thought this an outstanding answer to the recent bouts of Trumpian Bluster over the past several days and his juvenile attempt to rhetorically fence with Dmitri Medvedev. The first half of Judge Napolitano’s Intelligence Roundup discussed that and other related aspects which I urge people to watch. The symbolism of the location and the matter-of-fact style of the event while conveying the fact that the Union State will do what it must to protect, preserve and advance their interests, and their main interest is in peace. The other side’s actions prove that’s not what it wants—and it can’t really be honest about what those wants are, just as the Zionists can’t admit they’re committing Genocide.

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